Lebanon’s Universities Crush Status Quo
Photo by LevantX’s Ollie Marsden
The sectarian political establishment in Lebanon has for decades used its powers to stay in control or have large influence in most of the country’s institutions. But since the beginning of the national uprising in October 2019, their grip has begun to loosen. The recent student elections is a prime example of how this ruling class is feeling the heat.
The revolution, or uprising, depending on how one sees it, has successfully manifested itself in these elections. Only a couple of years ago, no one would have believed that independent and secular student groups would be making such gains in the country’s prestigious universities, which to a large extent reflect the diverse reality of Lebanese society. These campuses include people of all religious confessions, political affiliations, regions, and classes.
It began at the Lebanese American University (“LAU”) in October, where the secular and independent candidates won all 14 races they contested. This marked the beginning of something unprecedented in Lebanon, which would undoubtedly renew hope for a generation which has been traumatised by a series of unfortunate events.
At the American University of Beirut (“AUB”), there was very little competition. Most sectarian parties withdrew from the election before Election Day as they expressed “mistrust” in the process. This is ironic, coming from the same political class responsible for years of instability and political deadlock, and the worst financial and economic crisis in Lebanon’s history. Bearing in mind the humiliation they had already faced at LAU the previous month, it is possible they saw the writing on the wall and pulled out before they could be thrown out by the electorate.
The following set of elections at St. Joseph’s University (“USJ”) in early December was another triumph for independent candidates, coming despite a co-ordinated smear campaign. USJ has always been seen as a bastion of historic, mainly right-wing, Christian parties, especially since the Civil War. Bachir Gemayel, Lebanon’s short-lived former President who founded the Lebanese Forces party before his assasination in 1982 and is considered an icon of the Christian resistance, graduated from USJ.
The independents and seculars - as to differentiate between independents who believe in secularism and those who don’t - won 85 out of 101 seats in 16 different campuses. Although the Lebanese Forces managed to hang onto the same number of seats they won in previous elections, the sweeping victory of the secular club and independents came as a pleasant shock to the growing number of people who want change.
“This is a victory for all of us”, said Charbel Chaaya, president of the USJ Secular Club.
The USJ Secular Club was founded in 2011, but did not participate in any election until 2017, when it first ran for council seats in the faculty of law, winning an outright majority and thus the Presidency of the Council. Charbel said the uprising definitely helped in raising awareness, attracting more supporters, thus spreading to different campuses other than the main one in the capital’s Yasouiyeh neighbourhood.
“Because the university is decentralised, it was a bit difficult getting candidates to run in each and every campus. The second challenge was the different dynamics of every campus, and how to face these differences,” Charbel explained, adding that another main hurdle was the smear campaign his club faced and violence on the ground.
For two days, supporters of the Lebanese Forces and Hezbollah and the Amal Movement fought near the main campus. These brawls are nothing unusual and occur every year. However, a new factor this year was the growing influence of the alternative secular bloc that dogged the two confessionals in the polls despite a persistent campaign of fear-mongering and slander.
“Some students got scared and didn’t come to vote anymore, as the elections were done in person on the ground”.
In a televised interview on MTV Lebanon, Charbel and his fellow members in the secular club cleared up many points about what their group stood for. Rumours immediately began circulating that the club was infiltrated by Hezbollah supporters, or supported the group’s paramilitary force, or gave them far-left opinions that seemed calculated to damage popular support. Conversely, Hezbollah and its allies accused the Secular Club of belonging to the “other side”. The Secular Club denied these claims all together, slamming the “mafia government and the militia that protects it”.
“I’m being bullied and subject to a campaign from both the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement” Charbel told me, in reference to the Christian party allied with Hezbollah.
When asked about the club’s objectives for the current academic year, Charbel said it was fighting the dollarization of tuition fees. Students have recently been protesting - and on some occasions clashing with police - over university decisions to increase the exchange rate for tuition fees.
Photo by LevantX’s Ollie Marsden
Amidst Lebanon’s crippling economic and financial crisis, the official exchange rate to the dollar has skyrocketed on the black market. Universities have not been exempt from the recession, and late last year AUB and LAU announced they would fix the USD to 3,900 Lebanese Pounds instead of the old rate of 1,500, triggering angry student protests from who say they are already struggling to pay for their semesters.
Another election victory worth mentioning took place at the Rafik Hariri University, named after the former Prime Minister who founded the mainly-Sunni Future Movement now led by his son, Saad Hariri, a two-time Prime Minister in his own right.
The results saw the Future Movement and its allies maintain control by only a tiny margin; it won five seats to the independents four. This was a big win for the independents at a university traditionally considered to be a stronghold of yet another one of Lebanon’s sectarian parties.
Some universities are refusing to hold elections for the second successive year, including Notre Dame University and the Holy Spirit University of Kaslik. Officially, this is to reduce tension between students and avoid any potential clashes, but those in opposition of the traditional sectarian parties say the established forces fear more electoral losses.
While some have convinced themselves that these electoral victories don’t mean anything on a bigger scale, and that the political establishment is unmoved by them, many people believe that the bigger, sectarian parties have definitely lost support. Rabih Haber, founder of Statistics Lebanon, as an example, has on many occasions spoken in televised interviews how polls conducted by his organisation show less approval for mainstream parties- some more than others. The student election results are another proof of this. These polls are solid proof that the general mood in the country is changing, and that this shift is being translated in places the ruling class would usually take credit for and consider a “political win”.
Outside of university campuses, one of the first wins claimed by the popular uprising was in November 2019 when independent Melhem Khalaf won the presidency of the Beirut Bar Association. Khalaf, ever since, has been harshly critical of the corruption in the political establishment and judiciary, often interfering personally to help release activists and protesters held in custody.
Since the 17 October Revolution began in 2019, there has been much talk in the media about momentum dying out and people forgetting losing interest. Yet these results prove this revolution is maturing and taking on different forms. It is no longer just crowds in the streets, cutting off roads, storming government buildings, and vandalising banks. It has moved onto the next level and is challenging warlords and the political elite through the ballot box in respected educational institutions, even in traditional strongholds for various confessional parties. The impact this is having on society is important, especially the youth. A glimpse of hope perhaps for the next legislative elections, and a test for the Lebanese population as a whole: will they hold the system accountable, or will they vote for change?