Feudalism & Emigration: Lebanon's Christians are Torn

Photo by Stephan Geyer.

Long before its modern-day borders and its independence from colonial occupiers, warring groups have fought over the tiny strip of land that forms Lebanon today. A never-ending series of power struggles has had catastrophic consequences for the country, and today more than ever, many talented Lebanese are forced to take the difficult decision to leave.

In the confessional system that forms the bedrock of Lebanese politics, every sect has at least two main figures who have built their leadership on the backs of their people. But, since the Civil War, one community in particular has fragmented into many political groups and it has been practically impossible for them to unite over any cause, even one deemed existential to them: Lebanon’s Christians.

Finding it hard to forgive

The division within this community, which consists of 12 different confessional groups, as with most political and sectarian factions in the country, dates back to the devastating 1975-1990 Civil War, which saw one of the biggest waves of Christian emigration and internal displacement. This division has for long troubled the Maronite sect in particular, which constitutes the largest Christian denomination and leads the confessional group’s major political movements.

The multi-faceted conflict - which saw the involvement of many external powers - not only saw the mainly ‘Muslim left-wing’ militias pitted against predominantly ‘Christian right-wing’ groups, but also at some points, resulted in members of the same sect squaring off with each other.

The deadly clashes fought towards the end of the war in the late 80s still haunt many Christians, especially its older generation who lived through the bloody events. These battles, namely the so-called ‘Battle of Liberation’ in 1989-1990 which finally saw an end to the 15 years of fighting, pitted forces led by now-President Michel Aoun against the Lebanese Forces commanded by Samir Geagea. Aoun and Geagea remain Lebanon’s two main Christian political leaders to this day.

It was after this battle when Aoun, then-head of the military, was forced to take refuge in the French Embassy in Beirut after being driven out by invading Syrian troops. Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) remembers this day, which falls on October 13, as a day of glory for their leader, who they say fought till the end.

Conversely, their long-time opponents in the Lebanese Forces see it as a day of humiliation for Lebanon; a day when Aoun surrendered and left his troops and family to face the brunt of the Baathist regime’s army that would occupy Lebanon for the next 15 years. The numbers of soldiers and fighters killed at the hands of all parties involved still vary according to each side, but the hate from both sides still runs deep.

In contrast to today’s younger generation (many of whom have been struggling to overcome historic divisions in their community and push for reform of the political systems), this older generation has found it hard to completely forgive and make peace with this dreadful era, and are still living in spite.

Short-lived alliances

The relationship between Geagea and Aoun isn’t always so toxic. The two leaders, who both claim to represent the majority of Lebanon’s Christians, re-entered the political scene in a time of dramatic change in the country. In 2005, Aoun returned from his exile in France - the return that was described at the time as an “Aounist tsunami” - around the same time Geagea was granted amnesty and released after an 11 year period of imprisonment. His convictions, which relate to accusations of political murder and other war crimes, are still denied by his party to this day as “fabrications created by the occupying Syrian regime”.

Despite a turbulent history and the remains of unsettled disputes, the return of both leaders brought a sliver of hope to Maronites and Christians in general that a new era was on the horizon for them.

Syrian forces had withdrawn from Lebanon, the new March 14 Alliance had mobilized (and called for independence from Syria), and both war-time figures seemed to be turning a new page.

Sadly, however, the ‘Maronite marriage’ - a term used in Lebanon to describe never-ending relationships - actually didn’t last long. Aoun later signed a memorandum of understanding with the powerful Shiite militia Hezbollah, which stood opposed to the March 14 movement and Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanon, dashing any hopes of full reconciliation with Geagea and his supporters.

In the intervening years, Lebanon witnessed some of its toughest crises. Assassinations and terrorist attacks - many of which targeted prominent Christian Lebanese figures - were combined with a bloody war with Israel and political deadlocks that plagued the country. It was the 2016 settlement between Geagea and Aoun that saw a potential reunion between the old time foes.

In October 2016, and after nearly two and a half years without a President, a political settlement saw Geagea and other parties, namely Saad Hariri’s Future Movement and Hezbollah, nominate Aoun for the Presidency. This temporary shift in alliances is not uncommon in Lebanon, a country where settlements are often reached between members of the ruling class in order to form governing coalitions that achieve little.

This settlement would be yet another failed attempt to end bitter ties between the major Lebanese Christian factions, as Geagea’s Lebanese Forces and the FPM would yet again fall out over pressing issues in the nation.

While some accuse both parties of only striking a deal to divide the spoils and serve their own personal interests, the parties themselves trade blame on why such efforts to bring together their community always go to waste. The short-lived relationship, which Geagea says was an honest endeavor from him to get the country moving forward, came to be known as “Ou’a Khayyak” (or Look After Your Brother). Even this, amidst major disagreements, did not seem to bury years of spite.

Feudalism and regional agendas

Aside Aoun and Geagea, Christians in Lebanon are represented by several other well-known parties and officials, spreading the feudal divide across towns, cities and districts. These parties, in turn, are heavily associated with regional alliances shaping the Middle East.

On a local scale, historic families, or tribes, still exist with steady or lessening influence in their traditional strongholds. In the Maronite heartland of Keserwen there is the Khazen family. In Lebanon’s eastern Zahle, the largest Melkite Catholic city in the country, the Skaff family has large influence. In the mixed Christian and Druze Chouf region there is the Chamoun family, who once led the presidency during a golden age in Lebanon. In Beirut there is the Pharaoun family among others.

In terms of alternative political parties, there is either the Kataeb Party, founded in 1936 before independence from the French, or the Marada Movement. The former played a major role during the civil war and was one of the largest parties in the country. The latter, with its base in Lebanon’s northern Zgharta region, also played a prominent role at one point. Both parties produced presidents for Lebanon at different times. Bachir Gemayel, who later headed the Lebanese Forces militia which broke away from the Kataeb, was assassinated days after being elected president in 1982. He is considered a major Christian resistance icon.

The two parties, however, affiliate themselves to two completely different regional alliances. While the Gemayel family-run Kataeb is staunchly anti-Syrian (just like the Lebanese Forces), the Frangieh family-run Marada is one of Syria’s closest Lebanon allies.

Since the 2005 Cedar Revolution, the country, deeply divided by internal and external factors, has seen alliances, or at least political stances, change continuously. These shifting coalitions are driven by regional events, typically one of the proxy wars involving Iran and the US, which directly and indirectly affect Lebanon and its fragile political makeup.

One of the major points of contention between Lebanese factions, and Christians in particular, is the Baathist controlled regime in Syria. Iran, which funds and arms Hezbollah, is also a huge concern. The tumultuous history in the region, fueled by proxy wars, has seen Christians in Lebanon side with opposing factions. It is fair to say that most of them are against the Syrian-Iranian axis and what it politically and ideologically represents in the Middle East, as reflected by most Christian representatives in Lebanon. An example of this is the Iranian-linked Hezbollah, and the widespread belief that they aim to establish an Islamic regime in Lebanon as part of Iran’s wider regional agenda.

Being a minority in the Arabic speaking world, most Lebanese Christians have long lived in fear that their very existence is threatened by the actions of surrounding nations. Their support for a certain local party over another is based on who they believe guarantees their safety and security. The ruling class’s parties in Lebanon have used this fear-mongering in their political campaigns and maneuvering, emphasizing on this rhetoric at any given opportunity to gain support.

This difference in opinion between the two main Christian pillars is rarely translated into armed violence. Scathing political attacks and the occasional face-off in the street do happen during demonstrations, but unlike other armed groups, Christian parties seldom resort to outright violence.

Exodus

Hundreds of thousands of Lebanese have been driven out of the country by never-ending economic and political crises since the end of the civil war. But we tend to hear more about Christian emigration than Muslims or Druze leaving, maybe due to the much larger number of Christians who left during the war and after.

While no official census has been taken in Lebanon since 1932 to avoid offending any sectarian sensitivities, rough estimates show that registered Christians in Lebanon today make up about a third of the population, constituting a large minority. Noting this is relevant, as several Christian representatives have repeatedly voiced fears of diminishing numbers. The decline is not due to religious persecution, as we saw happening in places like Syria and Iraq, but simply due to the lack of job opportunities in Lebanon, amidst the worst economic crisis the country has ever faced in its 100 years as a modern state.

Whilst statistics don’t tell the whole story, it is no secret that more and more Christians today - with their relatively low birth rates compared to other groups - are deciding to make countries like France and Canada their new home, or leave Lebanon for a few years for work.

The misery was made worse after the devastating, nuclear-like explosion on August 4th, which saw much of Beirut’s Christian eastern quarters either completely obliterated or damaged. To many, this catastrophe was the last straw.

Only days after the explosion at Beirut’s Port, rumors started spreading that brokers were looking into buying properties in the affected areas, including Mar Mikhael, Rmeil, Gemmayzeh and Achrafiyeh. This news brought more gloom to residents, who were still in the process of picking up what was left of their lives. Some of the capital’s oldest homes and most beautiful heritage buildings, several of which have already been demolished over the years to make way for million-dollar skyscrapers, exist in these historic districts.

The news that politicians or businessmen were trying to buy these houses was instantly met with fierce opposition from some Christian politicians, who warned of attempts to change the area’s religious demographics. A bill was passed nearly two months later in Parliament, which banned the selling of any property in these neighborhoods. This law, however, brought only partial relief to many of the people who had lost everything in seconds.

Dwindling numbers of Lebanese Christians due to this emigration is without a doubt a point of concern for some religious and political authorities. However the question that arises is what is being done to stop this brain drain?

What can the Maronite and Orthodox Churches, said to be some of Lebanon’s wealthiest institutions, do to stop its adherents from fleeing to Europe and the West?

Christian parties claiming to be trying to improve the lives and preserve the existence of their communities are undermined by the same forces of deep-rooted corruption, nepotism, and political instability that are driving their people out. This in turn creates a vicious cycle where political parties are unable to act for their own people, which results in those people leaving and the community in question losing power.

Optimism amidst the suffering

The decision to leave is never easy. Christians and non-Christians alike are currently faced with very limited options. Graduates, working professionals, and families are being forced to leave behind loved ones whilst the same set of politicians can continue to grapple over power and influence in crisis-hit Lebanon.

While the October 17th Revolution in 2019 seemed promising to practically all Lebanese, given that it was unprecedented and seriously began challenging the establishment, the succeeding months started to weigh heavily on the population. Doubts were raised that any real change could happen with the current ruling class in charge. For Christians, the choice to emigrate has traditionally been one of the first options, joining relatives and friends abroad in cities that have long welcomed Lebanese expats.

But not everyone plans on staying abroad. Briefly put, many expats voice optimism that things will eventually start to look up, and that their return to Lebanon is not off the table. They truly believe that the uprising which began last year was the cornerstone for a long and promising journey. This optimism partly stems from a number of elections where independent or reformist candidates are gaining ground.

In student elections across Lebanon’s prestigious universities, secular candidates have been winning in the face of sectarian student groups, which represent the mainstream sectarian parties in government. The Beirut Bar Association in November last year saw an independent candidate win election to the board, also a vital first.

Whether working in the Gulf, studying in Europe or enjoying a short stay in North America, many Christians who recently departed are keeping the return option available, in hopes that their flight back to Beirut will be easily facilitated with ground-breaking and much needed changes in Lebanon’s political and economic norms.

Being the last safe haven for Christians in the troubled Middle East, Lebanon cannot afford to lose such a major component. Members of this group, Maronite or otherwise, have established some of the best schools, medical centers, and private sectors in the region, and have helped build bridges between the Western and Arab worlds. This group undoubtedly makes Lebanon the unique nation it is in the Middle East and the country would be a lesser one without them. The last lingering thought must be of preservation; can they survive poor leadership and challenging economic times or will they become another set of heirs to a long-forgotten kingdom?